AEGiS-Miami Herald: How Haiti Can Survive: This time, make a commitment to stay until the job is finished Miami HeraldImportant note: Information in this article was accurate in 2004. The state of the art may have changed since the publication date.
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How Haiti Can Survive: This time, make a commitment to stay until the job is finished

Miami Herald - October 21, 2004


--Our Opinion: U.S. Must Lead Effort To Rebuild Haiti Or Face Recurring Crises

Twenty-one years ago, a first-time visitor to Haiti was horrified by what he observed in the Western Hemisphere's poorest country: "Division, injustice, excessive inequality, degradation of the quality of life, misery, hunger and the fear of a great many." The visitor was Pope John Paul II. "Something must change here," the appalled pontiff declared. Within three years, the hated Duvalier dynasty collapsed, bringing a brief moment of joy. But for most of Haiti's eight million people, things are worse than ever.

The saddest aspect of this is that it didn't have to turn out that way. Half-hearted aid efforts by the international community, typically in post-disaster periods, have left Haiti in a permanent state of suspended recovery. This has created a culture of dependency, but those upon whom Haiti has depended have been unwilling to make the sustained effort that is required to allow Haiti to stand on its own. Countless missed opportunities and countless failed leaders have broken the spirit of a tireless people who aspire only to improve their lives.

As a result, Haiti stands today as a prime model of a nation desperately in need of a comprehensive effort of nation-building. The immediate task is to provide security and stabilize the nation so that its people can recover from a natural disaster and be rid of political violence. U.S. immigration policy on Haiti needs to be revised as well. But the greater task is to help Haiti become a self-sustaining, stable and democratic political entity once and for all. This will require virtually remaking the country from the ground up. The task is immense, but it must be done.

Barely half of Haiti's people over age 15 can read and write. The hillsides are barren and must be re-forested so that storm runoffs don't convert entire towns into vast seas of mud. The economic infrastructure is woefully inadequate, and the political infrastructure -- including the judiciary and the legislative branch -- is virtually nonexistent. An estimated 230,000 people are living with AIDS, and the disease is spreading.

Can all this be fixed? Yes. Before discussing how, it's worth recalling an observation made earlier this year by Florida Sen. Bob Graham: Anyone who believes that the United States doesn't have a stake in this nation-building effort is in a "supreme state of denial." U.S. leadership is an inescapable part of the equation.

This isn't about a powerful nation taking pity on a neighboring country struggling under unimaginable hardship -- although that's a powerful moral argument -- but rather about improving the safety and security of a part of the world that is vital to our own well-being.

The Caribbean is our third frontier and must be protected against the conditions that breed misery and anti-U.S. resentment. Perhaps more important, any effort to create democracy in this region adds to the credibility of the U.S. objective of strengthening democracy worldwide. If that is part of this nation's great national purpose, how can Haiti be ignored?

One bright ray in the gloom is a pledge by wealthy nations and international financial institutions to provide more than $1 billion in grants and loans to help Haiti recover from years of political mismanagement and assorted crises. That's fine. But so far, little of that amount, pledged in July, has been forthcoming. Second, Tropical Storm Jeanne inflicted hundreds of millions of dollars in losses in September. Furthermore, the money is supposed to be doled out over a two-year period, but what then?

Secretary of State Colin Powell declared that the money would help Haiti "return to the path of democracy, stability and prosperity." Unfortunately, there has been little of that in Haiti's recent history. What Haiti needs, rather than a short-term fix -- there's already been too much of that -- is a Marshall Plan-type commitment that transcends the life of any U.S. administration.

It's no secret what the ingredients of such a plan would consist of: Police forces to keep the peace. Aid coordinators to attend to basic needs. Lawyers, doctors, engineers and other professionals to build a civil and economic infrastructure. Educators to overcome the worst illiteracy rate in the hemisphere.

The United States must lead, but this isn't a U.S. job alone. Just as the United Nations has undertaken the task of rebuilding the war-torn societies of Kosovo and Bosnia, to name only two countries, it can and should take on the job in Haiti. Haiti may not have suffered a civil war, but it is just as devastated, if not more so.

Ten years ago, U.S. troops landed in Haiti as part of one more effort aimed at a "restoration of democracy." Years later, the troops left, a new U.S. president took over, political turmoil returned, and Haiti went back to square one. Indeed, every president since Ronald Reagan -- including the current one -- has been faced with an episode of crisis in Haiti. Today, John Paul II's words ring louder than ever: Something must change here. Absent a commitment to stay until the job is finished, every future president will face his own crisis in Haiti.


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